What lessons can SAARC draw from the EU and ASEAN experience in regional integration?

US officials must act like Asia is more crucial to the country than Europe.

President Joe Biden, Prime Ministers Fumio Kishida of Japan, Narendra Modi of India, and Anthony Albanese of Australia at the Quad Leaders Summit in Tokyo on May 24, 2022. S. A. L. O. E. B. via Getty Images

In the wake of Russia's horrific invasion, the US has led a forceful international reaction to assist Ukraine. 
 But, US policymakers shouldn't be too focused on reprimanding Russia in Europe at the expense of wise foreign policy in Asia. 
Defense Priorities' research associate is Sascha Glaeser. 
 
Recently, the Shangri-La Dialogue in Singapore came to an end. It was surprising that Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky addressed guests at a forum to discuss Asian security challenges.
The savage Russian invasion of Ukraine has captured everyone's attention. But, now that the Biden administration is sending more US troops to Europe, With 100,000 members and upwards of $54 billion in aid going to Ukraine, it runs the risk of favoring Europe over Asia's strategic foreign policy.
Despite as much as the United States sympathizes with the deplorable conditions in Ukraine, even the powerful United States has to make compromises. US officials cannot afford to maintain the status quo in Europe and Asia given the multitude of internal challenges they must address, including the persisting Covid 19 pandemic, a declining middle class, record inflation, and a stagnant economy.
Asia will be an important region of the 21st century, with 4.6 billion people (or 60% of the world's population) and an economy projected to contribute 50% of global GDP by 2040. China's GDP has overtaken all others when adjusted for purchasing power parity. Tries to support a more aggressive foreign policy to support its national interests.
On April 4, 2021, US Navy personnel on board the guided-missile destroyer USS Mustin observed Chinese ships in the Philippine Sea.
MCS3 US Navy Charles Rosen
Beijing will aim to drive US influence out of its neighborhood by using all three axes of power: economic, political, and military. Beijing is the only near-peer state capable of opposing the US. The ensuing decades will be shaped by this dynamic.
Washington shouldn't be so focused on punishing Russia in eastern Europe that it neglects to pursue a wise foreign policy in Asia that fosters long-term, responsible rivalry with China.
Continuing the story:

The US should make use of its powerful and wealthy allies. Must perform more labor-intensive tasks necessary to balance Russia's threat in Europe.
With a combined GDP more than ten times greater than Russia's, NATO's 28 European countries spent $302 billion on defense in 2020, compared to Russia's $62 billion. China, a major economic force, will spend $293 billion on defense in 2021, ranking second in the world.
With defense budgets of $76.7 billion and $54.1 billion, other regional countries like Japan and India have sizeable but behind defense spending. Although the United States should urge its Asian partners to increase their defense spending to thwart future Chinese invasion, such a power imbalance suggests that China, not Russia, is real. A greater danger to US power.
The United States should wisely use the current window of opportunity to prevent tensions from turning into a direct clash. At the same time, it still has a favorable power balance with China.
Reaching a consensus on red lines, stronger systems to prevent naval and air incidents, regular leadership summits, crisis management hotlines, arms control agreements, and shared regulations to lessen the risk of escalation in the cyber, artificial intelligence, space, and nuclear domains are a few examples of such.
Chinese forces attempted an amphibious invasion during practice by the Taiwanese military on May 30, 2019.
Getty Images/Kyodo News Stills
During the Cold War, the Soviet Union and the United States pursued several of these. Measures to assist in defusing tensions But, the era of détente arrived only after prolonged periods of extreme unease, particularly after the Cuban Missile Crisis, which is regarded as the moment when the world came the closest to nuclear war.
In light of this, Washington would be well to consider the lessons of the Cold War while establishing its current foreign policy toward China. China claims that Taiwan's reunification with the mainland is only a matter of time, making it the most dangerous flashpoint in the area.
President Joe Biden has made the false claim that the United States is obligated to defend Taiwan in the event of a Chinese attack on three distinct occasions while in office. Each time, White House representatives swiftly retracted the President's statements, but his Regional tensions were only exacerbated by thoughtless speech.
Although the United States opposes China's annexation of Taiwan, the reality is that an island 80 miles off China's coast does not justify endangering the lives of American service personnel or escalating the risk of nuclear war. Contrary rhetoric makes the US less credible in defending its true key strategic interests, such as its actual treaty partners in Asia.
The clear-eyed reality, shrewd diplomacy, and a realization that Asia has surpassed Europe's geopolitical relevance are necessary for engaging China in responsible competition. Whether US authorities like it or not, the two countries will eventually have to learn to coexist. Given that both nations continue to have significant nuclear arsenals, Anything less would not be worth the risks.
Defense Priorities' research associate is Sascha Glaeser. His main areas of interest include US foreign policy, global security, and transatlantic ties. He graduated from the University with a bachelor's in international studies and a master's in international public affairs.




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